Nicodemus and the Nation: Comments from Charlotte Hinger

I read Jacob Friefeld’s review of my book, Nicodemus: Post-Reconstruction Politics and Racial Justice in Western Kansas, with delight and amazement because he so succinctly and accurately encapsulated its essence. Three African American men, Abram Thompson Hall, Edward Preston McCabe, and John Wayne Niles played an extraordinary role in the formation of Nicodemus, Kansas—the first free black settlement on the Great Plains. Nicodemus was one of the first American communities in which black leaders had enough political clout on the county level to dictate policies to whites. Although I have been invited to respond or expand on Friefeld’s review, I can only express my appreciation for his thoughtful analysis of Nicodemus.

Each of the three men critical to shaping Nicodemus had distinctly different political philosophies: Hall advocated for a racial agenda in cooperation with the white community wherever possible, McCabe argued for the primacy of civil rights legislation, and Niles demanded that whites pay for years of enslavement through reparations.

Hall’s philosophy—cooperation—was the most complex and nuanced. He had extensive interactions with the white community. Although Hall subscribed to the idea of uplift through a liberal arts education and its attendant status, he advocated for decisions based on what he thought to be the good of the Commonwealth. (Yes, with a capital C!) Hall did not hesitate to scold his fellow blacks if they pursued irresponsible racial agendas detrimental to the collective population on a local, state, or national level. Hall was possibly the best educated of any person in Graham County. He was a gifted writer who could speak French, quote Shakespeare, and read and write Latin. He believed blacks were already equal to whites—all he asked for was a level playing field. He was born free, which undoubtedly contributed to his self-confidence.

Friefeld is correct in mentioning Hall’s class consciousness, which contributed to his reluctance to become involved with the needy Exodusters—a label given to the African American immigrants pouring into Kansas in the late 1800s. Moreover, in addition to being a lawyer, Hall was a land locator, and it was in his and McCabe’s best interests to promote a prosperous image of Nicodemus.  

McCabe was an energetic, passionate advocate of civil rights. He and Hall were good friends. They arrived in Graham County together as land-hungry young men in their twenties, looking for adventure and determined to seek their fortunes. Unlike Hall, McCabe was quick to take umbrage and sensitive to racial slights. His prose was often sarcastic. His political career was miraculous.

McCabe’s election to the prestigious office of State Auditor began as a joke, then evolved into a highly contentious free-for-all. Electors anxious to defeat Governor John Pierce St. John’s bid for a third term took their eye off the race for Auditor. Republicans panicked when McCabe won the nomination, but despite overwhelming odds, he won the election. McCabe handled the complicated duties of State Auditor magnificently and won a second term. His reputation was no doubt enhanced by his exquisite penmanship. He remained a militant champion of Civil Rights until his death.

Niles was formerly enslaved. Consequently, he was a passionate advocate for reparations. He did not have the education and literary skills of Hall and McCabe, but he was a brilliant orator. So much so that Graham County historian Lowell Beecher and I once agreed that if we had a time machine and could be present at a past event, it would be at one of Nile’s speeches. That man could talk! He even won acquittal by an all-white jury when he was on trial for mortgaging non-existent corn. Niles commanded vast crowds whenever he spoke. He was the very first person to persuade the United States Senate to consider a petition for slave reparations. Senator John Sherman (William Tecumseh Sherman’s brother) introduced it, but Kansas Senator John J. Ingalls was instrumental in defeating it. Niles was gregarious, deceitful, charismatic, and manipulative.

I regret that I could not adequately portray Hall’s depth. I did not feel as though I fully captured the essence of his finely-honed arguments, or sufficiently expressed the admiration with which he was viewed by both African Americans and the white community during his time in Nicodemus and beyond. Throughout my research, Barak Obama often came to mind. Throughout Hall’s long life (99 years), one word was used repeatedly by all races when referring to him: genial. Even when an article announcing his death was printed on the front page of the Pittsburg Post, no mention was made of race. He was lauded as a pioneer of journalism and praised for his extensive contributions to the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Pittsburgh community.

Friefeld pointed out that all three men left Nicodemus before 1890, and I omitted a discussion of life in Nicodemus afterward. He stated that the “central ethos to Nicodemus’s history lasted long after these three men moved on.” Friefeld is entirely correct. I considered going on with the narrative, then decided that this account should come from my good friend, Angela Bates, who knows everything about the families in the settlement. The extraordinary contributions by citizens in Nicodemus to the social fabric in America is phenomenal. For instance, the first female African American Ph.D., Nettie Craig, came from Nicodemus. This tiny settlement has also produced four NFL players.

If I had attempted to go forward, I worried about overlooking someone’s significance. I decided to limit the discussion to the legacy of the three men—Hall, McCabe, and Niles—whose enduring political philosophies were critical in shaping Nicodemus. The decision was not made lightly.

In short, Mr. Friefeld, I chickened out.